ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΜΕΣΟΓΕΙΑΚΩΝ, ΜΕΣΑΝΑΤΟΛΙΚΩΝ & ΙΣΛΑΜΙΚΩΝ ΣΠΟΥΔΩΝ

On March 24, 2013, President Francois Boziz?, in power for the past decade, is overthrown by the predominantly Muslim S?l?ka militia. Their offensive begins in December 2012, and gradually loots its way into the capital, Bangui, which they seize in March 2013. The presidential palace is overtaken and Michel Djotodia, the leader of the group, proclaims himself president of the Central African Republic.

Throughout its history, Lebanon has always seemed to be fighting the wars of others at the expense of its national unity. Due to the current surge in violence, analysts and politicians have been expressing fears of its descent into a civil war for a long time now. The question is: how come it hasn’t erupted yet?

Saudi Arabia’s society is one of the most insular societies worldwide, appearing “immune” to the Arab awakening that swept away some of the authoritarian regimes in the MENA region and changed a number of others. However, the Kingdom now faces numerous social, political, economic and religious challenges, which must be dealt with wisely by the Royal family, as the society‘s awareness regarding its rights is growing. 

The Tunisian Revolution of January 2011 ushered a new era in the states of the Arab World. While its repercussions were plainly perceived in the cases of Libya and Egypt, one needs to assess the revolution’s lasting effects in Tunisia, as well as its influence on the democratic process of the rest of the Maghreb countries.

With Syria in the spotlight of the world’s attention, situation in neighbouring Iraq is painted darker by the day. Latest developments in the country raise fears of descent into a civil war, as terrorism and attacks between the two major denominational groups are on the rise. And while the international and regional actors have their own agenda and motives in interfering (or not) in this gambit, the Iraqi Government is struggling to balance among the powers of the region, find common ground with the Kurdish Administration in Arbil and proposes the Iraqi Syria Initiative for the termination of the bloodshed next door.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Syrian crisis and its regional repercussions in three circles. The first circle refers to Syria’s neighbourhood i.e. Turkey, Iraq and Lebanon. The second circle concerns the Arab-Israeli conflict comprising Israel, the Palestinians and Jordan. The third one is the great regional circle, which refers to the antagonism for regional hegemony and includes Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, Qatar and of course the USA.

In 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon that came into force provided the EU with a High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and a newly devised European External Action Service that was formed in January 2011.  The Arab uprisings and the civil wars in Libya and Syria constituted early and delicate test benches for the new CFSP. Nevertheless, assessing the CFSP during the Syrian crisis cannot be decoupled from the role played by the European member states most involved in the events on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean.

In most of Egypt, the revolution that broke out on January 25th, 2011, took the form of non-violent protest but in Sinai, which has historically been more turbulent and unstable, the rebellion became a full-blown military insurgency. Since the ousting of President Mohamed Morsi on the 3rdof July, 2013, the situation in the Sinai Peninsula has become even more critical. The tense relations between the Egyptian army and Gaza, the declared war of the Generals against the Muslim Brotherhood and the Jihadists, and the necessity of the Egyptian government’s compliance with the peace treaty of 1979 with Israel, all serve as factors to make things more complicated in times when the spirit of uprising is apparent all over the region.

Από το 1949 ώς το 1970 η Συρία ήταν ίσως η πιο ασταθής χώρα στον κόσμο. Ισχνά κοινοβουλευτικά διαλείμματα παρεμβάλλονταν ανάμεσα σε συνεχή στρατιωτικά πραξικοπήματα, περίπου ένα κάθε χρόνο. Μια χώρα μωσαϊκό εθνοθρησκευτικών ομάδων: Άραβες σουνίτες μουσουλμάνοι (περισσότεροι από το 50%), αλαουίτες (κλάδος των σιιτών μουσουλμάνων με πολλά στοιχεία όμως συγκρητισμού, περίπου 10%), χριστιανοί (ορθόδοξοι, Συροχαλδαίοι, καθολικοί, 10% του πληθυσμού), Κούρδοι (οι περισσότεροι σουνίτες μουσουλμάνοι, επίσης 10%), Δρούζοι και Αρμένιοι. Η ανάπτυξη του συριακού αραβικού εθνικισμού μονοπωλήθηκε στα χρόνια του μεσοπολέμου από τη σουνιτική μεγάλη γαιοκτημονική τάξη και λιγότερο από χριστιανούς ριζοσπάστες διανοούμενους. Η άνοδος του παναραβικού κινήματος Μπάαθ ήρθε κυρίως μετά τον Β΄ Παγκόσμιο πόλεμο ως αντίδραση μεσαίων στρωμάτων (επιστημόνων, επαγγελματιών και μετέπειτα στρατιωτικών) στη γαιοκτημονική πολιτική κυριαρχία και στην αδυναμία της να αντιπαρατεθεί στο Ισραήλ στον πόλεμο του 1948.

As the dust settles from Egypt’s so-called “popular coup” on July 3, it has become clear that Egyptian society is deeply polarized. There is a vast gulf between those who supported the army’s actions in removing President Morsi, and those from the Muslim Brotherhood who insist on the illegality of his deposition and demand his reinstatement. In the midst of this standoff, a number of activists have appeared that mistrust both sides, believing that the alternative to Islamic rule is not simply military rule. This article provides an overview of the factors leading to renewed support for the Egyptian military, suggesting considerations for those who see it as a viable alternative to the Brotherhood’s rule.