CENTRE for MEDITERRANEAN, MIDDLE EAST & ISLAMIC STUDIES

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Syrian crisis and its regional repercussions in three circles. The first circle refers to Syria’s neighbourhood i.e. Turkey, Iraq and Lebanon. The second circle concerns the Arab-Israeli conflict comprising Israel, the Palestinians and Jordan. The third one is the great regional circle, which refers to the antagonism for regional hegemony and includes Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, Qatar and of course the USA.

In 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon that came into force provided the EU with a High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and a newly devised European External Action Service that was formed in January 2011.  The Arab uprisings and the civil wars in Libya and Syria constituted early and delicate test benches for the new CFSP. Nevertheless, assessing the CFSP during the Syrian crisis cannot be decoupled from the role played by the European member states most involved in the events on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean.

In most of Egypt, the revolution that broke out on January 25th, 2011, took the form of non-violent protest but in Sinai, which has historically been more turbulent and unstable, the rebellion became a full-blown military insurgency. Since the ousting of President Mohamed Morsi on the 3rdof July, 2013, the situation in the Sinai Peninsula has become even more critical. The tense relations between the Egyptian army and Gaza, the declared war of the Generals against the Muslim Brotherhood and the Jihadists, and the necessity of the Egyptian government’s compliance with the peace treaty of 1979 with Israel, all serve as factors to make things more complicated in times when the spirit of uprising is apparent all over the region.

As the dust settles from Egypt’s so-called “popular coup” on July 3, it has become clear that Egyptian society is deeply polarized. There is a vast gulf between those who supported the army’s actions in removing President Morsi, and those from the Muslim Brotherhood who insist on the illegality of his deposition and demand his reinstatement. In the midst of this standoff, a number of activists have appeared that mistrust both sides, believing that the alternative to Islamic rule is not simply military rule. This article provides an overview of the factors leading to renewed support for the Egyptian military, suggesting considerations for those who see it as a viable alternative to the Brotherhood’s rule.

The “Gezi movement” marks one of the milestones in the recent Turkish political history. The Gezi park protests, which started from a small scale environmental demonstration in Istanbul on 31 May, have, after the violent intervention by the police forces, expanded all over the country in the form of an anti-government, or maybe more correctly as an anti-Erdo?an movement. The following paper will try to explore the ways in which the Gezi demonstrations can affect the future of the country, the political landscape and the society.

The new Pew report is a sophisticated and deep report about the role of Islam in the Muslim world. The results of the survey show a high percentage of religiosity, especially in the countries were the Muslim population is dominant – at least - arithmetically. What we examine here is whether the historical transformations in every country in the postcolonial period reveal a common (till a certain point) trajectory regarding the social characteristics and whether an engaged “social religiosity” has been generated.

At the dawn of an era of multi-sourced global energy supplies, amidst simmering domestic grievances and cleavages in regional politics, Saudi Arabia stands firm. Buoyant oil revenues have allowed her to shun troublesome developments at home and play an integral role in the Middle East. However, the re-orientation of Saudi Arabia's development model currently seems insurmountable.

The outcome of the upcoming Presidential election in Iran has been sealed by the Guardian Council’s decision to exclude candidates at will and to favor the Supreme Leader’s trustees. The current appointed body has prevented Rafsanjani and Mashaei, along with several other hundreds, from running for the seat, while the Green Movement has been prosecuted. But even though none of the remaining eight candidates can be labeled as pure reformers or as liberals, they do have different approaches on important matters that have significant impact on the country and the region, such as their stances on the nuclear program and on the economy.

US President Barack Obama’s announcement regarding the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan has necessitated a reshuffling of the geostrategic relations of neighbouring countries in the region. The decision to hand security management back to Afghan authorities has raised questions concerning the stability of the country after the withdrawal of US troops. Afghanistan, Pakistan and India are now compelled to re-evaluate their policies towards each other.

Unlike the majority of protesters in the Arab Spring, protesters in Kuwait have rallied against their government on issues anchored in basic human rights rather than on material needs.[1] Instead of trying to topple the government, the focus has been on checking the authority of the ruling family and holding it accountable to its citizens. Arising from these efforts is the plight of the “Bedoon” – the stateless - of Kuwait, who despite living there for decades, hold no nationality. The Arab Spring protests of 2011 invigorated their demands for citizenship but after months of rallying and campaigning, what progress have they achieved?