Ολοκλήρωσε τις προπτυχιακές της σπουδές στο τμήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίας του Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών, με κατεύθυνση Ιστορίας. Στην συνέχεια, απέκτασε μεταπτυχιακό (MA) στην Ιστορία της Εγγύς και Μέσης Ανατολής στο School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) του πανεπιστημίου του Λονδίνου, με βαθμό άριστα. Εκτός από ελληνικά, μιλάει αγγλικά, γαλλικά και αραβικά. Το 2012-2013 ήταν δόκιμη ερευνήτρια του ΚΕΜΜΙΣ, και έγινε ερευνήτρια από τον Σεπτέμβριο του 2015.
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She concluded her undergraduate studies in the department of History and Archaeology of the University of Athens, with a major in History. Afterwards she obtained her master’s degree (MA) in History: Near and Middle East in the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London, with a distinction. She speaks English, Greek, French and Arabic. She was a research intern in CEMMIS in 2012-2013, and became a researcher since September 2015.
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Following the large-scale protests that swept the country in 2019, Algeria is attempting to reclaim its diplomatic clout in international affairs. The country’s policy continues to reflect support for anticolonial movements, using its renewed influence at the UNSC to promote the Palestinian and Western Saharan issues. At the same time, its influence is declining in the very unstable Sahel region, where multiple terrorist organisations are active and coups d’état take place. Algiers has to balance between safeguarding its border security and keeping its foreign policy tenets intact.
Despite speculations of a rocky transition of power, Sultan Haitham bin Tariq Al Said’s succession at the Omani throne was swift and according to the wishes of the late Sultan. While he declared that he will follow the principles set by Qaboos in terms of foreign policy, the new ruler will have to prove Oman’s commitment to neutrality and its position as intermediary in negotiations, at a time of great regional turmoil. Meanwhile, Oman has to tackle its economic and social challenges at home, in order to continue to project its international soft power.
The elevation of the Kurdish forces in Iraq and Syria in the last years to strategic partners of the U.S. in their fight against the Islamic State has generated new hopes of an independent Kurdistan. However, the empowerment of PKK-related forces has upset Turkey, an important U.S. ally. The Trump administration has claimed to aim for future stability and is seeking to rewarm ties with Turkey, meaning a possible end of partnership with certain Kurdish groups, although some of Trump's policy advisers seem favorable towards a Kurdish independence in the KRG under the right conditions.
Hezbollah’s direct or indirect involvement in the regional conflicts with Shia elements, namely Syria, Iraq and Yemen, has altered the public perception of the group in the Middle East. At the same time, it has taken a sharp turn against the Gulf, primarily Saudi Arabia, as an extension of its fighting against jihadist groups in Syria, but also because of the group’s closer cooperation with Iran.
Nowadays, Islam is gaining popularity in everyday life in North Caucasus. The Islamic revival that started with the collapse of the Soviet Union has led to a rapid Islamization of the society and has provided a fertile ground for political Islam as well. The language of political Islam is used extensively and in various forms, with local authorities and the religious opposition both deriving their arguments from Islam. Hence, in North Caucasus Islamic discourse unfolds on various levels, from Ramzan Kadyrov’s “official state” Islam in Chechnya up to the radical salafi-jihadi Islamism espoused first by the Caucasus Emirate and, more recently, by ISIS affiliates.
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