The tribal and local leaders, as the key parameters of Libya's social structure, came to the fore in the power struggle for the country. Apart from the west-east divide the preferences of the tribes and their shifting allegiances as well the role of regional powers, such as Algeria and Egypt in particular, must also be taken into account. Recent developments are not particulary promising in terms of ensuring lasting peace and tranquility in a war-torn country. All parties seem determined to maintain their positions as they are still wary of trusting each other and feel underrepresented.

Διαβάστε επίσης τη βιβλιοκριτική του Alison Pargeter, Return to the Shadows: The Muslim Brotherhood and An-Nahda since the Arab Spring (Saqi Books, 2016).

A lot of ink has been spilt on the role of political Islam in post-Arab Spring politics. In the beginning, there was an assumption of an almost teleological nature whereby the democratic renaissance of the region would at a minimum bring the forces of political Islam to the fore. There was even the potential for it to be rendered the single most important socio-political actor in part of the region. While the first premise has certainly proved true, Alison Pargeter’s book is a detailed, eloquent attempt at explaining the second: political Islam’s inability to ensconce itself in power, once in its antechamber.

The Tunisian Revolution of January 2011 ushered a new era in the states of the Arab World. While its repercussions were plainly perceived in the cases of Libya and Egypt, one needs to assess the revolution’s lasting effects in Tunisia, as well as its influence on the democratic process of the rest of the Maghreb countries.

The Arab Spring swept countries which share many common denominators, one of which is the socioeconomic disparity. Inexorably, political turmoil causes economic havoc. The stability and prosperity of the economies that were affected by the Arab Spring are a major concern to all and sundry; namely to their people, to all the other countries in ME NA that managed to sharply “escape” the Arab Spring and, not to mention, the international community.

In the post-revolution Tunisia, Hizb al-Nahdah, previously not only persecuted but also compelled to leave the country―found itself in a fresh ambiance. An unexpected reappearance of al-Nahdah (sudden and abrupt as well) shaped as well as dominated the culture of politics in the country. Amid engaged in formulating a pragmatic program aimed at ensuring peace, progress and stability in the country, the Party paid full attention toward expansion and consolidation of its own edifice as well. Its leadership, therefore, followed practically such policies and strategies befitting the Party’s ideological expression. As Bin Ali’s game ended, a new chapter in a new context opened in the history of Tunisia wherein al-Nahdah had an ample opportunity to transform its ‘rhetoric’ that was long in the making into ‘realism’. Mixture of both fortunes and misfortunes is what characterizes al-Nahdah’s hitherto journey.

Hizb al-Nahdah―officially founded in 1981―witnessed a ‘rebirth’ of its political career in the post revolution Tunisia (March 2011), thereby posing a considerable impact on the political milieu of the region. The restructure and reformation of the Movement besides the devising of new strategies and policies befitting the changing socio-political atmosphere are the key involvements of al-Nahdah. The emergence of Salafis as a new political force obviously demanded al-Nahdah to redefine its role, strategy, and outlook. This has been recently manifested in its role as a mediator between different political actors―Secularists and Salafi groups―which is most difficult and complicated endeavor as per Rashid al-Ghannushi, the primary ideologue of the Movement.