Having been repressed or used for decades by the local regimes, Salafism is on a definite rise, raising security and political threats primarily in the Middle East, while the West sees the chance for democratization drifting away. The many faces of Salafism make us address questions regarding its origins, its present dynamics and also whether it can be a viable political alternative and a part of a democratic transition.

In most of Egypt, the revolution that broke out on January 25th, 2011, took the form of non-violent protest but in Sinai, which has historically been more turbulent and unstable, the rebellion became a full-blown military insurgency. Since the ousting of President Mohamed Morsi on the 3rdof July, 2013, the situation in the Sinai Peninsula has become even more critical. The tense relations between the Egyptian army and Gaza, the declared war of the Generals against the Muslim Brotherhood and the Jihadists, and the necessity of the Egyptian government’s compliance with the peace treaty of 1979 with Israel, all serve as factors to make things more complicated in times when the spirit of uprising is apparent all over the region.

As the dust settles from Egypt’s so-called “popular coup” on July 3, it has become clear that Egyptian society is deeply polarized. There is a vast gulf between those who supported the army’s actions in removing President Morsi, and those from the Muslim Brotherhood who insist on the illegality of his deposition and demand his reinstatement. In the midst of this standoff, a number of activists have appeared that mistrust both sides, believing that the alternative to Islamic rule is not simply military rule. This article provides an overview of the factors leading to renewed support for the Egyptian military, suggesting considerations for those who see it as a viable alternative to the Brotherhood’s rule.

Hamid Dabashi has argued that the Arab Spring challenges the postcolonial identity and creates a new emancipatory geographical imagination. The rapidly changing political geography in Egypt is indicating that the Left is searching for its political identity in the post-Mubarak era. Even though the Islamist domination in the political scene is obvious, the Left and the workers’ struggle has been intensified, despite the quandary. The fluid identities of most of the nascent coalitions are struggling to secure a place in this new geographical imagination.

The Arab Spring swept countries which share many common denominators, one of which is the socioeconomic disparity. Inexorably, political turmoil causes economic havoc. The stability and prosperity of the economies that were affected by the Arab Spring are a major concern to all and sundry; namely to their people, to all the other countries in ME NA that managed to sharply “escape” the Arab Spring and, not to mention, the international community.

Three main factors seem to affect the stance of Iran towards the wave of uprisings that have shaken the Arab world since January. The first is the ideological paradigm of the Islamic revolution while the second comprises the real strategic possibilities for Iran to exploit the situation and gain pre-eminence in the region. The last factor is the internal political situation, which has demonstrated that the regime is not immune to similar popular upheavals.

On March 19, millions of voters rallied to polling centers to take part in Egypt’s first free and fair elections in nearly six decades. At least 25 million of Egypt’s 40 million eligible voters came out in an unprecedented turnout to cast their vote for a series of amendments to Egypt’s constitution[i], passing the referendum with the endorsement of 77 percent of voters[ii]. Specifically, the amendments limited the presidential term from six to four years, and imposed a two-term limit on each nominee. Newly elected presidents are now required to appoint a vice president within 60 days of resuming office, and presidential authority to declare a state of emergency has been circumscribed. Moreover, an article that empowered the state in the fight against terrorism was abolished due to the huge abuses of power it legitimated under the Mubarak regime. Finally, the referendum supported full judicial supervision of votes, a measure intended to ensure that free, transparent elections are held. The passing of the referendum will effectively pave the way for parliamentary elections to be held in June, followed by the presidential elections in August or September.

The flight BA2886 from London to Tunis on the 30th of January 2011[i] was not just another ordinary air cruise. Among the passengers, over 20 years the exiled Mohammed Ghanouchi, the leader of Nahda party was finally about to step on Tunisian soil, marking the end of Ben Ali’s era. An era which is reshaping the politics of Middle East, known for its sclerotic and archaic regimes. While the triumph of the Arab Street toppling the 23 years Tunisian President surprised many, the world’s attention turned over to the Egyptian protests for more than two weeks, demanding the end to Hosni Mubarak’s presidency who is ruling the country since 23 Jul 1952 and by Emergency Law since 1981.

The drama is old; its acts change regularly while its protagonists stay the same embodied by Egypt and Iran. It is a play about regional power which has not reached its final yet as it is perpetuated by envious divas, capricious artists and dangerous stunts. Its audience epitomized by the U.S. and Israel, interferes constantly in its events and hence nurtures its maintenance. The play?s newest act deals with the recent war on Gaza and a Hizbullah cell lately discovered by Egyptian authorities, which has been accused of attempting to overthrow Mubarak?s regime.

Όπως κάθε γεγονός, η Αραβική Άνοιξη έχει αφήσει πολλούς κερδισμένους και πολλούς χαμένους. Από τους περιφερειακούς παίκτες όμως, ποιοι κερδίζουν και ποιοι χάνουν; Θα προσπαθήσω να απαντήσω στην ερώτηση, μιλώντας κυρίως για την περίπτωση της Συρίας η οποία βρίσκεται στην κρισιμότερη ίσως καμπή της σύγχρονης ιστορίας της.