ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΜΕΣΟΓΕΙΑΚΩΝ, ΜΕΣΑΝΑΤΟΛΙΚΩΝ & ΙΣΛΑΜΙΚΩΝ ΣΠΟΥΔΩΝ

Την ώρα που οι δυτικές μητροπόλεις βυθίζονταν στην εορταστική φρενίτιδα και μέθη των ημερών, το Ιράν βυθιζόταν στην αβεβαιότητα. Εν μέσω των βίαιων διαδηλώσεων που μεταδίδονταν σαν “κολλητική ασθένεια” από τη μία πόλη στην άλλη, η παραμονή πρωτοχρονιάς του 2017-2018 έφερε ένα έντονο άρωμα “Αραβικής Άνοιξης” και σίγουρα θα μείνει αξέχαστη. Παρά την βιασύνη κάποιων να προεξοφλήσουν την αρχή ενός νέου '79 και το τέλος των Ayatollah, η Ισλαμική Δημοκρατία διαχειρίστηκε την κρίση αυτή σχετικά αναίμακτα. Αυτό δε σημαίνει βέβαια ότι δεν είναι υπαρκτή, ωστόσο πως μπορούμε να την αναγνώσουμε;

Η ηχητική αναπαραγωγή της ομιλίας του κ. Ali Fayyad με θέμα "Γεωπολιτικές εξελίξεις και Θρησκεία στην Μέση Ανατολή" (Αθήνα, 5 Απριλίου 2017)(αραβικά-ελληνικά)

Το απομαγνητοφωνημένο κείμενο της ομιλίας. (ελληνικά)

The relationship between the current Egyptian administration and the Egyptian religious authority of al-Azhar has been going through some changes in the past few months. Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s ascension to the Presidency in 2014 was welcomed by the Coptic Christian community of Egypt and was supported by the al-Azhar University. Nonetheless, efforts to renew the Egyptian national identity and to push for a “religious revolution” in Egypt was met with discomfort, discontent, and, in some circles, distrust. The role of the al-Azhar university and its Grand Imam Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb, as a leading authority on Sunni Muslim affairs within Egypt was believed to being sidelined. Consequently, a light should be shone on the intricacies of the different points of contention which dominate the political and religious fora in Egyptian society.

"This was an affluent crowd, far different from the mostly low-income Shiites who took to the streets to demand a constitutional monarchy, an elected government and a representative Parliament. The air was scented with perfume, and people drove expensive cars," writes Michael Slackman of the New York Times[i], describing a pro-status government self-described, "Unity" demonstration held in Bahrain on Monday. With repeated reference to Bahrain's sectarian divide in local and international media (some variation of the tagline "Bahrain has a 70% Shia population ruled by a Sunni ruling family" has rolled along the ticker of almost every major TV news network), and anti-government protesters insisting on Shia-Sunni unity (a cry also parroted by pro-government crowds), it's worthwhile then to trail this mysterious scent a little further.

In Iran in World Politics, Arshin Adib-Moghaddam proposes new ways to study Iran in a critical perspective. The book aims to present different possible theories that interpret Iran's image in world politics. Adib-Moghaddam's approach is to analyse instances of Iran's political image since the revolution.

Both pro-Iranian and anti-Iranian camps have been taken in by the drama surrounding Iranian President Ahmedinejad’s visit to Lebanon. The idea of Ahmedinejad, who is considered to be Hizbullah’s chaperone, overlooking the northern border of Israel – the closest he has ever been to a country he does not recognize and utterly despises - is as ever in Lebanon one person’s nightmare and another one’s paradise. However, instead of indulging ourselves in images of glory and warfare scenarios, exploring the interests of the various ‘talented divas’, who have been keeping Lebanese politics busy for years and are equipped with a long-time performance experience – seems to be more reasonable. In other words, this visit is far too complex to be analyzed in a one-sided manner.